The BJP conundrum

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Aazib Manzoor

It all started in 2014 when BJP took over the canonization of politics in India. With extensive campaigning led by the Narendra Modi, BJP swept across the whole nation to moralize the roots of post truth amongst the masses. BJP’s structure of sentimental politics crept deep in to the conscience of the public, it appealed to the ego of youth and memories of the elderly, which eventually led to a grand sliding victory of BJP. Ever since, BJP used the same sort of means to fight in the state elections and it never stopped bearing saffron fruits. The histrionic rhetoric to browbeat the needs and imperatives of public kept producing results to such an extent that it was deemed impossible to even put up a fight with BJP. Ravi Prasad and Amit Shah have been very vocal about their unchallenged hegemony across the country. Not the Modi led government, but the Modi-Amit government deployed their political characteristics and social narratives through the minds of youth who became their foot soldiers to win the crusade of the saffronisation of India.
Modi won the political setup of India in every field and there didn’t stand a chance for anyone to disseminate otherwise. Although, the system was fully based on the manipulation of emotions and not reason: BJP was fully aware of where to prick and when, this made them seem tenacious. BJP began undermining the characters of judgment among the masses, and by appealing to the aspirations of public; it grew in its narcissism. It relied on the media to spread their manifesto, to hide their grey dots and to further polarize the development of people. The role of media evolved for the good for (by) BJP; instead of criticizing, the prime time media began hailing the use of sentimental politics.
On the other hand, where BJP began privatizing everything, it started progressing towards the distorted neo liberalism. BJP, on its way, left behind the fact that India is an agrarian society where the farmer, the peasant and the worker dominates the economic structure, where they formulate the nature of an economic policy. The one thing BJP had a noticeable shortcoming on was the economic structure, the contrast between dollar and rupee soaring to new heights, the prices of petrol and diesel, the unavailability of promised wherewithal and other such things. Rhetoric took them to the heights of political credibility, but their sidelining of the genuine needs of the agrarian class, other than The Mandir and The Masjid, brought down their spectra. The conditions of the farmers have gone bad to worse in the last four years, leading to a higher rate of suicides and long procession marches in the heart of the national capital. This all came in the forefront when BJP lost in all of the recent assembly elections. BJP’s negligence of ignoring the needs and demands of agriculture overshadowed its political superiority of rhetoric. This has completely changed the dynamic of the hegemony of BJP and could very well be seen in the upcoming parliament elections of 2019.